World War II was the watershed event for higher education in modern Western societies. Those societies came out of the war with levels of enrollment that had been roughly constant at 3-5% of the relevant age groups during the decades before the war. But after the war, great social and political changes arising out of the successful war against Fascism created a growing demand in European and American economies for increasing numbers of graduates with more than a secondary school education. And the demand that rose in those societies for entry to higher education extended to groups and social classes that had not thought of attending a university before the war. These demands resulted in a very rapid expansion of the systems of higher education, beginning in the 1960s and developing very rapidly(though unevenly) during the 1970s and 1980s.
在西方社会，二战是高等教育的分界点。战后，一些社会随之出现了。这些社会的入学率在战前的几十年里一直保持在相关年龄段的 3%-5%，但是，战争结束后，反法西斯战争的成功产生了巨大的社会和政治变革，这在欧美经济体中产生了越来越高的需求，要求越来越多的受过中学以上教育的毕业生数量增加。在这些社会中，对进入高等教育的需求不断上升，扩大到了战前从未想过的上大学的群体和社会阶层。，这些需求直接导致了高等教育系统的迅速扩张，从1960年代开始 而且在 1970 到 1980年代发展的非常快（尽管不平衡）。
The growth of higher education manifests itself in at least three quite different ways, and these in turn have given rise to different sets of problems. There was first the rate of growth: In many countries of Western Europe, the numbers of students in higher education doubled within five-year periods during the 1960s and doubled again in seven, eight, or 10 years by the middle of the 1970s. Second, growth obviously affected the absolute size both of systems and individual institutions. And third, growth was reflected in changes in the proportion of the relevant age group enrolled in institutions of higher education.
高等教育的增长以至少三种不同的方式表现出来，而且这些反过来又引发了不同的问题。第一，是增长率：在西欧国家，高等教育学生的数量在1960年代的五年中翻番，然后又在 1970年代 的七、八或者十年间再次翻番。第二，增长显然影响到了系统和独立机构的绝对规模。第三，增长反应在相关年龄段入学到高等教育机构的占比的变化中。
Each of these manifestations of growth carried its own peculiar problems in its wake. For example, a high growth rate placed great strains on the existing structures of governance, of administration, and above all of socialization. When a faculty or department grows from, say, five to 20 members within three or four years, and when the new staff predominantly young men and women fresh from postgraduate study, they largely define the norms of academic life in that faculty, And if the postgraduate student population also grows rapidly and there is loss of a close apprenticeship relationship between faculty members and students, the student culture becomes the chief socializing force for new postgraduate students, with consequences for the intellectual and academic life of the institution this was seen in America as well as in France, Italy, West Germany, and Japan. High growth rates increased the chances for academic innovation; they also weakened the forms and processes by which teachers and students are admitted into a community of scholars during periods of stability or slow growth. In the 1960s and 1970s, European universities saw marked changes in their governance arrangements, with the empowerment of junior faculty and to some degree of students as well.
以上增长的每一种表现都伴随着它自身特有的问题。例如，高增长率在现有的管理结构，行政管理以及重要的社会变化带来了巨大的压力。当一个学院或系在三到四年内从五名成员增长到20名时，而且当新员工主要是刚从研究生毕业的年轻男女时，他们很大程度上定义了该学院的学术生活规范，而且如果研究生人数也迅速增长，那么教职员工和学生之前就逐渐失去了紧密的学徒关系。学生文化成为新研究生的主要社交力量，这对该机构的才智和学术生活产生了影响，这在美国、法国、意大利、西德和日本都可以看到。高增长率增加了学术创新的机会，他们还削弱了在稳定或缓慢增长时期师生被纳入学者社区的形式和过程。 在 1960 年代到 1970 年代，随着年轻教师和一些程度的学生的授权，欧洲大学的管理安排发生了显著的变化，